此文为寄托天下GRE阅读专版定期总结文章。

略读，并不是说不读，而是快速的读，读不懂不用逗留，更不用反复琢磨猜测不认识的单词，但是一定要注意的就是，值得做标记的一定要给出标记，以方便定位！

1． 作者摒弃的观点的论据和论证，这样的观点一般都是为后面作者支持的观点做铺垫，有个现象，作者一上来就给出正确解释多没意思哦，要一波三折，起起伏伏这样才有趣嘛，所以很多时候，ETS通常先给出一个或者若干个最后要被摒弃的解释，还用一堆话来论证，这部分因为不是文章的重点，所以通常也不是考点，故完全可以略读。
例：P6长L4——L11
Two main kinds of answers have been offered. One is couched in terms of advantage to population. It is argued that the sex ratio will evolve so as to maximize the number of meetings between individuals of the opposite sex.This is essentially a "group selection" argument. The other, and in my view correct, type of answer was first put forward by Fisher in 1930.

P64长L27——32
According to this theory, it is not the quality of the sensory nerve sations they produce, but rather the different areas of the brain into which they discharge, and there is some evidence for this view.

P83短L14——完
Although some experiments show that, as an object becomes familiar, its internal representation becomes more holistic and the recognition process correspondingly more parallel, the weight of evidence seems to support the serial hypothesis, at least for objects that are not notably simple and familiar.

2． 反之亦然的观点，这类观点其实是对上文累赘的重复，因为完全可以用vice versa来替代，所以完全可以不读，只要稍用大脑就可以知道它在讲什么。
例：P6长L17——L21
Suppose that the population consisted mostly of females: then an individual who produced sons only would have more grandchildren. In contrast, if the population consisted mostly of males, it would pay to have daughters.

3． 已知大意的详细叙述可以略读

反复读一下首句和各段首句，看看自己能不能明白作者要写的内容，文章大意，各段大意呢？如果能的话，各段的具体内容，可以略读，但是一些必要做出标记的的还是要给标记。
例：P33长全文
"I want to criticize the social system, and to show it at work, at its most intense." Virginia Woolf's provocative statement about her inten-tions in writing Mrs. Dalloway has regularly
(5) been ignored by the critics, since it highlights anaspect of her literary interests very different from the traditional picture of the "poetic" novelist concerned with examining states of reverie and vision and with following the intricate pathways
(10) of individual consciousness. But Virginia Woolf was a realistic as well as a poetic novelist, a satirist and social critic as well as a visionary: literary critics' cavalier dismissal of Woolf's social vision will not withstand scrutiny.
(15) In her novels, Woolf is deeply engaged by the questions of how individuals are shaped (or de- formed) by their social environments, how historical forces impinge on people's lives, how class, wealth, and gender help to determine
(20) people's fates. Most of her novels are rooted in a realistically rendered social setting and in a precise historical time. Woolf's focus on society has not been gener-
ally recognized because of her intense antipathy
(25) to propaganda in art. The pictures of reformers in her novels are usually satiric or sharply critical. Even when Woolf is fundamentally sympathetic to their causes, she portrays people anxious to reform their society and possessed of
(30) a message or program as arrogant or dishonest, unaware of how their political ideas serve their own psychological needs. (Her Writer's Diary notes: "the only honest people are the artists," whereas "these social reformers and philan-
(35) thropists...harbor... discreditable desires under the disguise of loving their kind....") Woolf detested what she called "preaching" in fiction, too, and criticized novelist D.H. Lawrence (among others) for working by
(40) this method.
Woolf's own social criticism is expressed in the language of observation rather than in direct commentary, since for her, fiction is a contem- plative, not an active art. She describes phenom-
(45) ena and provides materials for a judgment about society and social issues; it is the reader's work to put the observations together and understand the coherent point of view behind them. As a moralist, Woolf works by indirection, subtly
(50) undermining officially accepted mores, mocking, suggesting, calling into question, rather than asserting, advocating, bearing witness: hers is the satirist's art. Woolf's literary models were acute social ob-
(55) servers like Checkhov and Chaucer. As she put it in The Common Reader. "It is safe to say that not a single law has been framed or one stone set upon another because of anything Chaucer said or wrote; and yet, as we read him, we are absorb-
(60) ing morality at every pore." Like Chaucer, Woolf chose to understand as well as to judge, to know her society root and branch-a decision curcial in order to produce art rather than polemic.

P47长全文
In his 1976 study of slavery in the United States, Herbert Gutman, like Fogel, Engerman,
and Genovese, has rightly stressed the slaves'achievements. But unlike these historians, Gut-
(5) man gives plantation owners little credit for these achievements. Rather, Gutman argues that one must look to the Black family and the slaves' extended kinship system to understand how crucial achievements, such as the mainte-
(10) nance of a cultural heritage and the develop- ment of a communal consciousness, were
possible. His findings compel attention. Gutman recreates the family and extended kinship structure mainly through an ingenious
(15) use of what any historian should draw upon, quantifiable data, derived in this case mostly from plantation birth registers. He also uses accounts of ex-slaves to probe the human reality behind his statistics. These sources indicate that
(20) the two-parent household predominated in slave quarters just as it did among freed slaves after emancipation. Although Gutman admits that forced separation by sale was frequent, he shows that the slaves' preference, revealed most clearly
(25) on plantations where sale was infrequent, was very much for stable monogamy. In less con- clusive fashion Fogel, Engerman, and Genovese had already indicated the predominance of two- parent households; however, only Gutman
(30) emphasizes the preference for stable monogamy and points out what stable monogamy meant for the slaves' cultural heritage. Gutman argues convincingly that the stability of the Black family encouraged the transmission of-and so
(35) was crucial in sustaining-the Black heritage of folklore, music, and religious expression from one generation to another, a heritage that slaves were continually fashioning out of their African and American experiences.
(40) Gutman's examination of other facets of kinship also produces important findings.
Gutman discovers that cousins rarely married,an exogamous tendency that contrasted sharply
with the endogamy practiced by the plantation
(45) owners. This preference for exogamy, Gutman suggests, may have derived from West African rules governing marriage, which, though they differed from one tribal group to another, all involved some kind of prohibition against
(50) unions with close kin. This taboo against cousins' marrying is important, argues Gutman, because it is one of many indications of a strong awareness among slaves of an extended kinship network. The fact that distantly related kin
(55) would care for children separated from their families also suggests this awareness. When blood relationships were few, as in newly created plantations in the Southwest, "fictive" kinship arrangements took their place until a new
(60) pattern of consanguinity developed. Gutman presents convincing evidence that this extended kinship stru